Traditional Health Care System and Challenges in Developing
Ethnopharmacology in Africa: Example of Oku, Cameroon
Ndenecho Emmanuel Neba
Geography Department, University of Yaounde I, E.N.S. Annex Bambili, P.O. Bamenda,
North West Province, Cameroon
E-mail: ndenecho@yahoo.com
KEYWORDS Traditional Health Care System. Indigenous Knowledge. Medicinal Plants. Ethnopharmacology.
Cameroon.
ABSTRACT Most traditional African Cultures believe that, to maintain the health and vitality of human beings,
they have to address forces in both the natural and the spiritual world. The paper uses a combination of primary
and secondary data sources to identify the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of the traditional
health system. It presents some concepts and practices, some characteristics of indigenous knowledge transfer
system and some aspects of their link with the Western health care system. The paper concludes that the
traditional health system is very complex. Failure to understand and appreciate these complexities has led to a
great number of failures in the cooperation between African traditional medicine and the Western health care
system. It therefore identifies the scope to enhance the strengths and challenge the weakness of the traditional
practices. It recommends that there is a need to research for methods of testing, refining and validating indigenous
knowledge in traditional medicine in order to support the process of integration in the Western health care system.
INTRODUCTION
Before the advent of Western Science, medicinal
practice as applied to human being was
probably very similar in all parts of the world
(F.A.O. 1984). The healing art consisted of two
major elements that were often used in combination:
the application of natural products and
an appeal to spiritual forces. Natural products
include extracts or decoctions from leaves, roots,
oils, fats, animal parts or insects. Appeals to spiritual
forces involved incantations, symbols and
sacrifices among other rituals (Darshan and
Bertus 2000; Juan et al. 2000). These practices
are still very common in many cultures. The
World Health Organisation (WHO) estimates that
70 to 80% of the people in developing countries
use traditional medicine as a major source of
health care. Many African cultures have a holistic
perception of health and vitality. Vitality is the
energy to sustain life. It is the essence of health
(Darshan and Bertus 2000). In this perception
five entities are considered: God, the superhuman
and ancestral spirits; mankind; biological
life forms (plants and animals); and finally, all
phenomena and objects that do not have a biological
life. De Smet (2000) and Mbiti (1969) describe
how these entities are always included in
traditional African health care. In addition to
these five entities, there is a “vital life force” that
permeates the whole universe (Esdtsieck 1977;
Haverkort et al. 1999; Haver-kost 1999).
For the African every person, plant, animal
and natural phenomenon is a carrier of the
divine. God is the source and ultimate controller
of the vital forces, while the spirits have access
to some of these forces. A few human beings
have the knowledge and ability to tap, manipulate
and use the vital forces, such as ‘medicine
men’, witches, priests and rainmakers. The vital
life forces can be benevolent or malevolent, and
used in either positive or negative ways (Bossard
1996). The role of witches and to a lesser extent,
diviners, is to address the “negative’ powers.
They can cause or cure a curse given to a person,
an animal or a location. The priests and traditional
healers normally use positive spiritual
powers. In order to appease the gods, people
have to perform rituals and make sacrifices. The
traditional cultures accept that the vitality of
human beings, animals, plants and environments
are interrelated. Moreover, only when
different needs at the physical, mental and spiritual
level are balanced, is well-being and vitality
possible. Ironically, traditional medicine is
today being challenged by Western biomedical
tradition. In most African societies, the traditional
health care system operates side-by-side with
the Western health care system. The paper investigates
the functioning of the traditional
health care system, its strengths and weaknesses,
its link with the Western health care system
and the scope for the development of ethnopharmacology.
© Kamla-Raj 2011 Ethno Med, 5(2): 133-139 (2011)THE STUDY AREA
The Oku village communities are located in
the Bamenda Highlands of Cameroon. The area
is characterized by several micro-Kingdoms
located in mountainous landscapes. The highest
peak is Mount Oku (3011m above sea level).
The grid reference of the summit of Mount Oku
is 6012‘N and 10032‘E (Fig. 1). Land under naFig.
1. Location of the study area and villages investigated in Oku, Cameroon
Ibolichim
Nghom
Ichim
Ndum
M Bom
N kwl
Kfum Lum Fekeng
Bow
Mboh
1 6
Lui
Ibol
1 3
Jikijem
Kesotin
Keyon
1
Monchock Ngvenkei II
Simonkoh
Mbokghos
Mount Oku
Lake Oku
Long
Kevu Ngvenkei I
Ibol
Ngemsibo
N
Villages:
13 Mbockjikijem
16 Jiyone
1 Ngoshie
0 4 8 km
LEGEND
Transect
Emfveh - mii Forest Management Institution
Kilum - Ijim Mountain Forest
Water
tural forest including degraded forest is 6900
hectares, area under tree and shrub Savanna 2400
hectares, grass Savanna 1240 hectares and montane
forest 17,325 hectares (Macleod 1986). A
population of 300.000 people depends on the
forest for livelihoods. The area possesses some
of the most intact cultures of the region. Mountain
dwellers are characterized by isolation, remoteness,
marginality, vulnerability to the inhos-
134 NDENECHO EMMANUEL NEBApitable environment and the drudgery of farm
labour. Their culture and indigenous knowledge
system have therefore been based on learning
from and adapting their civilization to the environment.
Culturally, the fact that these ethnic minorities
are outside of the dominant cultures of mainstream
society in Cameroon, they provide an
opportunity for an understanding of the functioning
of the traditional health care system and
its ethnopharmacological resources. Villages
around Mount Oku have long been known as
centres of traditional healing. People travel over
400km to receive treatment. Although traditional
medicine in the area has been the focus of several
recent studies (Krafezyk 1982 cited by
Macleod 1986), little is known about the traditional
health system and the plants that are used
in the preparation of medicines. Studies have
focused more on the ethnobotanical studies of
the plant resources of the area (Ndenecho 2007;
Ndenecho 2006; Tame 1993 and Thomas 1987).
Further work is necessary on scientific identification
and inventory of medicinal plant species
and their pharmacological uses.
DISEASE PERCEPTION AND RESEARCH
METHODOLOGY
According to Morris (1996) and Bossard
(1996), Africans distinguish between four causes
of disease. First, the natural cause of disease,
equated with acts of God. Second, there are diseases
related to moral or ritual infringement, like
sexual abuse, stealing, killing or ignoring taboos.
The third kind of disease is associated with witchcraft
or sorcery. Finally, there are diseases associated
with spirits, like the ancestral spirits. In
order to understand and appreciate these complexities,
a participatory assessment of the characteristics
of the traditional health systems was
made through dialogue with local people. A total
of 26 traditional healers are randomly selected
on a west-east transect (Fig. 1) from 13 villages,
that is, a herbalist and a diviner per village. Two
complementary survey methods were used: informal
interviews addressed to each healer and
diviner; and observation of the healing and divination
process. The data collected was complemented
with secondary sources. Based on ethnobotanical
surveys for the area, medicinal plant
potentials were established (Ndenecho 2007;
Ndenecho 2006; Tame 1993; and Thomas 1987).
An analysis of the data provided insights in the
functioning of the traditional health care system,
the plant species commonly used, the strengths
and weaknesses of the system and the feasible
links with western medicine.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
The Concept of Traditional Medicine
All the healers (100%) and diviners (100%)
believe that life forces are manifested in everything
living or non- living. These life forces all
have their own personalities and cosmic place.
Therefore, the preservation or restoration of
health is impossible without them. Traditionally,
they use herbal and animal products as medicines,
intoxicants, and poisons in their struggle
for survival and in their quest for religious experiences.
A healer’s power is not determined by
the number of medicinal plants he knows but by
the ability to apply an understanding of the intricate
relationship between the patient and the
world around him. The healers demonstrate outstanding
ability and wisdom. All 13 healers reported
specialized and renowned knowledge of
herbs and treatment for special types of illness.
On the other hand, the diviners reported (100%)
that they were being sought out more often to
diagnose obscure maladies and treat them by
the method of discovering what form of “spiritual
uncleanliness” the patient was suffering from
and then perform a suitable purification ceremony
to remove the cause. Unlike a doctor
trained in Western biomedicine, the healer looks
for the cause of the patient’s misfortune in the
relationship between the patient and his social,
natural and spiritual environment.
The diagnosis of disease by a traditional
healer is based on an understanding of the concepts
that, it is not limited to direct observation
tests ((Bossard 1996). Many supernatural methods
are used, such as “reading” an egg, and cola
nut seeds, or cowries. Sometimes fowls are used
in diagnosing disease. In the people’s culture
“healing hands are a gift from the gods”. There
are no schools or other formal training centres
for learning traditional healing practices. Preventive
and curative measures are in line with
the holistic view of health and disease (Pottier
1993). They combine the use of herbs with certain
symbolic and mystical activities. Along with
TRADITIONAL HEALTH CARE SYSTEM AND CHALLENGES 135the medicinal treatment, a ritual is needed to recreate
adequate spiritual conditions for a healthy
life. Failure to understand and appreciate these
complexities has led to a great number of failures
in the cooperation between healers and outsiders
(Durshan and Bertus 2000).
The Traditional Health System
The traditional health system has the following
components:
· Diviners: Divination and healing are often
practiced by the same person, who has the
power to deal with the spiritual realm. They
look for disturbing events in the past, which
can cause misfortune if left untreated. Many
healers are specialized in one or more biomedical
aspects, such as herbalism, midwifery
or surgery. There has been a tendency
in western medical journals to play down
such expertise by focusing on the risks of
traditional medicine. Though there is a
genuine cause for concern, it is unfair to
pass judgement on traditional healing simply
on the bases of its worst results.
· Herbalism:Common ailments, such as
headaches or coughs are considered to be
diseases with natural causes. Their symptoms
are treated at the household level,
without resorting to magical practices. For
other illnesses, or when a common ailment
persists, recourse is sought to divination in
combination with herbalism. Herbal medicines
are applied to every part of the body
in any conceivable way. There are oral
forms, enemas, fumes to be inhaled, vaginal
preparations, fluids administered into the
urinary tract, preparations for the skin and
various lotions and drops for the eye, ear
and nose.
The traditional healer knows the virtues of
the native plants. The healing includes all elements
of the natural community, that is, the human
society and its environment; mountains,
clouds, plants, water, animals and streams. Not
everyone can cure everything. According to the
lineage, this “depends on the hand of each
traditional healer”. The belief is that the cure
comes from something sacred deep within the
healer. For this reason the genuine healers never
ask to be paid for their services. Their compensation
depends on the discretion of the patient.
Table 1 presents some medicinal plants of
Mount Oku. Hundreds of wild plants have
medicinal value but this knowledge base remains
secret. Few plants are used to cure a single illness
or disease. The preparation of a mixture of
several plants is common. These medicinal plants
cannot be gathered at any time of the day; they
have their proper time. This is because the spirits
of the plants can only be found in their “bodies”
at certain moments. Moreover, they must
never be pulled or torn violently during harvesting;
first, the healer must pray to the guardians
of the plant using incantations. The mountain is
the place with particular strength of the medicinal
plants. Mount Oku cloud forest is well known
for its abundant biodiversity and rich endemism
among vascular plants.
The plants presented in Table 1 constitute
the base for herbal medicine in the area. De Smet
(2000) noted that more than 50% of the western
drugs currently available are either directly or
indirectly based on natural substances. Krafezyk
(1982) reported that in the area, 81% of the
population depends on the traditional health
care system because it is affordable. They resort
to Western medicine when traditional medicine
fails. He also reported 43% of urban dwellers
as dependent on the traditional health system.
Traditional medicine stands and stores
are becoming a common feature of urban landscapes
in the region. These have been promoted
by common initiative groups and non-governmental
organizations composed of traditional
healers. Unfortunately, the habitats of these
medicinal plants are threatened by anthropogenic
degradation. The highlands are a land
pressure area (Ndenecho 2005).
Threats and Opportunities
In many parts of the region both traditional
and modern health systems exist. Normally,
people consult both systems, though for different
reasons and during different stages of the
disease. Certain diseases are believed to be better
treated by one of these systems. Despite the
increased interest in traditional health care, forms
of true cooperation between the two systems are
rare. Under European colonial rule the indigenous
medical practitioners lost much of their influence.
Europeans branded them as wizards with obscure
practices. Traditional healers may refer to modern
medicine, but the reverse is rarely the case.
There is a tendency in the western-oriented bio-
136 NDENECHO EMMANUEL NEBAAGA
VACEAE
Dracaena deisteliana Nkeng shrub ritual
ANACARDIACEAE
Sorindeia peleoides Kintieh’she shrub ritual
ARALIACEAE
Schefflera barteri Elang small tree medicine
APOCYNACEAER
auvolfia vomitoria Ebtum small tree medicine Voacanga africana Ebtum small tree medicine
BASELLACEAE
Kigelia africana
Markhamia tomentosa Kefu feyin climber medicine
BIGNONIACEAE
Kigelia Africana Kinlieh’she small tree ritual
Markhamia tomentosa Enggweh small tree medicine
BORAGINACEAE
Cynoglossum sp. Imbanen herb medicine
COMPOSITAE
Grassocephalum sp. Nganggang herb medicine
Lactuca grandulifera Chyinawum herb medicine
Lactuca schweinfurthii Chyinawum herb medicine
CRASSULACEAE
Bryophyllum pinnatum King-ketuleh herb medicine
Kallanchoe laciniata Ketuleh herb medicine
Kalanchoe crenata Ketuleh herb medicine
CUCURBITACEAE
Momordica foetida Ebfierfer Nak climber medicine
ERICACEAE
Agauria salicifolia Bhang small tree medicine
EUPHORBIACEAE
Euphorbia Kamerunica Ebjam herb medicine
Ricinus communis Jang small tree medicine
Sapium ellipticum Kehtoh large tree medicine FABACEAE Tephrosia preussi Kohlem small tree medicine
Phasedus vulgaris Etuum herb medicine
GRAMINAE
Melinis minutiflora
Tejang-egwei medicine
Zea imperata
? herb medicine
LABIA
TAE
Satureja robusta Fegis herb medicine
LEEACEAE
Leea guinensis Cheng shrub medicine
LILIACEAE
Albuca nigritata Kerland fejin shrub medicine
MARATTIACEACE
Marattia frazinea Kelang shrub medicine
MORACEAE
Ficus exasperata Keghewus shrub Medicine
Ficus Oreodryadum K’ghum figgak large tree ritual
MYRSINACEAE
Ardisia cymosa Enchia shrub medicine
Embelia schimperi Kenlimlim climber medicine PALMAE
Raphia farinifera Eluk small tree ritual
PHYTOLACCACEAE
Phytolacca aodecandra Etohtam shrub ritual
PIPERACEAE
Piper capense Boboi herb medicine
PEPEROMIACEAE
Peperomia fernadopoisna Mbol small tree medicine
ROSACEAE
Prunus africanus Eblah large tree medicine
RUBIACEAE
Canttium subcordatum Bangefonembessi small tree ritual
RUTACEAE
Clansena anisata Fli small tree medicine
Species Local name Form Use Table 1: List of medicinal plants of Oku
TRADITIONAL HEALTH CARE SYSTEM AND CHALLENGES 137medical tradition to focus on risks and play down
indigenous medicine and the expertise of traditional
healers (De Smet 2000). We cannot deny
the drawbacks of traditional medicine, which include
incorrect diagnosis, imprecise dosage, low
hygiene standards, the secrecy of some healing
methods and the absence of written records
about the patient. The heightened interest in
herbal medicine in recent years has also resulted
in the emergence of quackery in urban areas. It
is unfair to pass judgement on the traditional
healing systems on the basis of their worst outcomes.
Indigenous knowledge represents a precious,
invisible link between regions and cultures,
its resources and the store of experiences
nurtured by the specialist in the community.
The adoption of new practices and the dominant
western systems of learning and scientific
investigation appear to threaten these
indigenous knowledge systems (Gareth 2000).
Ethnopharmacology is a form of Western
science that can bring to light which traditional
plants are effective and safe for incorporation
into the formal health care system. In this
process western drug developers must respect
the intellectual property rights of the indigenous
users of herbal medicines. New techniques
should therefore serve to describe, analyze,
validate and classify the beliefs and processes
of the traditional knowledge system. Such
validation according to Gareth (2000) can confirm
the long process of observation, analysis
and evaluation that determines each unique culture.
It may also represent the basic point of reference
in the process of exchange between western
biomedicine and the local traditional healer.
There is need to stimulate local people and
traditional health practitioners to evaluate the
strong and weak aspects of their own knowledge
and practices. This is certainly a sensitive
issue. Can we assume that outsiders or western
biomedical practitioners have the capacity and
sensitivity to assess traditional knowledge and
technologies? What methods exist to test and
improve indigenous knowledge with a spiritual
dimension?
Traditional healers are the principal professionals
in rural health care services. The investigation
noted that most traditional healers are
willing to learn more about western medicine and
to cooperate to some extent with their biomedical
counterparts. They presume that this may
increase their prestige, recognition and income.
Despite rhetoric from the Ministry of Health,
well-functioning programmes of collaboration
between western and traditional health systems
have been relatively scarce. The feeling among
traditional medical practitioners is that such
pilot projects have failed as a result of opposition
from biomedical establishments. Moreover,
some traditional healers often do not want to be
incorporated in the western-oriented primary
health care system as community health workers.
They fear that this would look as if they
accepted the superiority of western medicine,
alienating themselves from their traditional roots.
Their clients might feel that the healer has lost
control over the total healing process and therefore
is a quack.
CONCLUSION
Since different paradigms of health and
illness stand in the way of real integration of the
two systems, western biomedicine and indigenous
traditional medicine may remain apart as
two parallel systems. There is need to research
for methods of testing, refining and validating
indigenous knowledge in traditional medicine in
order to support the process of integration. This
will require a thorough understanding of indigenous
practices. In this process, reluctance to
share specific indigenous knowledge with outsiders
must be understood. The study recommends
working within a basic framework of
education involving local individuals chosen
from among the sons and daughters of the village
or from relatives. This counteracts the suspicion
of intellectual piracy. Ethnopharmacology
is a form of western science that can bring
to light which traditional plants are effective
and safe for incorporation into the formal health
care system. In this process, western drug developers
must respect the intellectual property
rights of the indigenous users of herbal medicine.
They must provide adequate compensation
for the sharing of that knowledge, as established
in the convention on Biological Diversity
(De Smet 1999).
RECOMMENDATIONS
If irreplaceable genetic resources are lost,
traditional medicines and indigenous knowledge
will also disappear. To prevent this from
138 NDENECHO EMMANUEL NEBAhappening, prompt action is required at every
possible level: local initiatives, support from
non-governmental organizations, universities,
scientific research and active governmental
support for international agreements to protect
intellectual property rights. In-situ and ex-situ
conservation of medicinal plants must be established
in order to highlight the links between
people and plants and to show the importance
of the plants to human welfare as well as the
maintenance of ecological integrity. Future studies
should consider ethnobotanical parameters
such as known medicinal plant species,
specific medicinal uses of plants, species status
(wild or cultivated), plant organs used (root, tuber,
shoot, exudates, bark, seeds, fruit), and its
status of use (used in the past, still in use, used
recently). This should be complemented by a
detailed understanding of the concept of traditional
medicine and a study of the knowledge
transfer systems.
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TRADITIONAL HEALTH CARE SYSTEM AND CHALLENGES 139
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